The Maltese in Australia: Family relationships and the second generationAuthor: Henry Briffa IntroductionI am a Maltese Psychologist, working at the Drummond Street Relationship Centre, providing Child and Family Counselling. I see some Maltese clients within a diverse case load. As part of my work, over a six month period, I am exploring the family relationship issues that exist amongst the Maltese community in Melbourne, with a view towards making some recommendations about the extent to which the Drummond Street Relationship Centre may be in a position to deal with these issues. I am reporting on this work at an early stage of its development, as I began this consultative process only a few months ago. What I am presenting today is a brief overview of work to date and some reflections on an aspect of that work. Maltese Family Relationships: Themes reported to dateSo far, I have been involved in discussions with five workers who work professionally with Maltese clients in a health, community or welfare setting. Discussions have been unstructured. I simply ask people what they view as the issues for Maltese families in Melbourne. The workers range in age from the early 20's through to the mid-50's and include Maltese born and Australian-born participants. They have included two males and three females. Discussions were not taped and I am reporting from notes taken of those informal meetings. It is hoped that these discussions help us to better understand family tensions experienced by Maltese families in Melbourne. What follows is a sketch of the themes reported at this early stage of investigation: Importance of religious beliefs and values. Religion was said to be very important for the Maltese. Some Maltese parents might view themselves as not being good-enough parents if their offspring are not church goers. As parents they may ask themselves, "Where did I go wrong?" when thinking of their non-religious children. The Maltese are an ageing community and care for the aged places demands on younger generations. Maltese with ageing parents may feel responsible to care for their parents, but may also feel conflict in that they want to live their own lives. The major problem for the aged, particularly those who speak little or no English, was seen to be isolation. One worker spoke of not just isolation but 'martyrdom' as a problem with some of the elderly . It was felt that some of the more traditional aged people were reluctant to express their needs as they did not wish to be seen to be too demanding of their children. Paradoxically, in doing so they become more demanding, in that carers need to spend time assessing needs that remain unarticulated. Traditional gender roles are maintained. Males were viewed to value being providers and the head of the household. Because of these values, it was thought that Maltese men may find it particularly difficult to be out of work. Traditional gender roles, it was felt, may contribute to conflicts such as men being in jobs they dislike, but some men may feel they have to continue in these jobs because of their role in providing for the family. Women's issues were seen as requiring greater attention in the community. Women were seen to value their role with children; however younger women commentators were clearly critical of the patriarchy that continues to exist. Family issues are traditionally resolved within the family. Containment of problems within the family was viewed as consistent with 'bella figura'. In more traditional families, parents of, say, an adult daughter, may feel that as parents they should be told of their daughter's health. They may not expect the boundary of confidenfiality to be limited to the relationship of their daughter and her consultant health care worker, but to be extended to include themselves. The extent to which the Maltese in Australia take a preventative attitude in maintaining good health was questioned An example cited was attitudes to problems such as 'depression'. It was reported that the more traditional client will sometimes dismiss treatment for depression by dismissing the diagnosis, saying, "I do not believe in depression'. What can also take place is that the depression can be dismissed by the husband, who will not want the wife to accept treatment for a problem that 'doesn't exist'. One person thought that if counselling involved payment, this could be a significant deterrent. Intergenerational issues. One worker felt that this was a particular problem between girls and their fathers. Another depicted a linguistic and spiritual divide between the generations, with a desire for greater intimacy, at least in the older generation whose children "can't pray together in same language". Another worker spoke of conflicting values between teenagers and parents. Older Maltese may cling to traditional values such as not approving of a couple living together 'podjut' despite this now being more commonplace in Malta today. It was reported that a high rate of intermarriage takes place in the Maltese community. One worker believed this was evidence that the Maltese were '6 quite adaptable". Another drew my attention to the Maltese community in the Hatfield/Glenroy region where young Maltese are developing close relationships with young Muslims. It was felt that the Catholic Maltese may experience some difficulties with their children becoming involved with non-Catholics. There is a myth that the Maltese have adapted easily to life in Australia. It was reported that settlement problems were often played down. Pamphlets providing information on services available were not made available in the Maltese language yet there are obvious cultural differences between the Australians and the Maltese. For example, the Maltese conceptualisation of distance can be retained by more traditional Maltese. As one person put it, for a number of Maltese in St Albans, "three kilometres is a long way". There is a fair amount of anxiety and depression. These are common mental health problems. Anxiety and depression were issues emphasised by some workers but not by others. Those who did mention these issues did not elaborate. Marriage is for life. It was felt that the Maltese in Melbourne rarely divorce. Couples may stay together because they feel it is the right thing to do, or for the sake of the children, but this does not mean that the parents divorce when the children leave home. Some families have a more extended family structure. There may be high expectations placed on young families by parents. Newly-weds may be expected to start a family early. Finding space for themselves (away from their parents) may be a problem. An extended family structure still has its place. Domestic violence. This was acknowledged to exist in Maltese families, but it was also acknowledged that this needed to be discussed with great sensitivity. Perhaps because of family values, women do not view separation as the solution. Issues of Identity. The issue of 'what is it to be Maltese' seems to be quite alive. Some workers seemed to view second generation Maltese as 'not Maltese', but having more of an Australian identity. They had a preference for speaking English and did not have the same values as their parents. There was also some discussion by younger workers about being identified as part of a family group or somebody's son or daughter, rather than being acknowledged in their own right. Further elaboration of the theme 'there is a myth that the Maltese have adapted easily to life in Australia'. In my attempts to explore family relationship issues that the Maltese in Australia contend with, both in seeking out relevant literature and in attempts to understand the issues through engagement in discussion, I have been left feeling that there must be more, that the task of finding out, of uncovering is somehow escaping me, or that I am just scraping away at the surface and not getting far. Source: Maltese Background Youth - Editors Cauchi M, Borland H, Adams R, 1999, [Europe Australia Institute], p 75
   
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