Chapter 6 Notes

1.

For the xvii century González Enciso et al 1992 pp. 147 - 150 and for the eighteenth century Torras 199l pp. 93 - 94

2.

Braudel 1982 p. 78

3.

Sella 1973 p. 552 and Braudel 1982 pp. 78 - 79

4.

Braudel 1981 Vol l p. 158

5.

In 1791 there were 1268 Maltese in Spain (Alfonso Mola 1991 p. 101). We have also calculated between 1140 and 1736 sailors serving on board Spanish ships in 1795 (Vassallo 1990 p. 25). To these we would have to add those serving in the French Royal Navy, (927 in 1780, according to Ciappara 1988 p. 92), as well as traders in Portugal, France, North Africa, the Levant, etc. Even if we limit ourselves just to those in Spain, namely around 3000, and assume adult males constituted around 1 in 4 of the total population, then approximately 12% of adult males in a total population of circa 100,000 at the end of the century may have been dependent on Spain for a living.

6.

NLM, AOM 1067. Our work has concentrated principally on the economic aspects of the Maltese phenomenon in Spain but there must have been important repercussions on the social structure of donor communities. Frans Ciappara has given us some very interesting insights as regards family life or the absence of it. Illegitimacy in Senglea, for example, was more than four times that in rural Birkirkara (Ciappara 1988 p. 84). Ciappara also refers to the phenomenon of abandoned wives and families and the incidence of bigamy (Ciappara 1988 pp. 63 - 64 and 91 - 103).

7.

In 1725 the combined population of the urban" areas of Valletta, Vittoriosa, Senglea, Cospicua, Mdina and Rabat stood at 31, 654 inhabitants, as opposed to the 31,735 in rural areas (Luttrell 1982 p. 42)

8.

Historians have probably not given migration the attention it deserves and most research in this area has come from within the field of sociology (Holmes 1991 p. 191). The latter has in turn been impregnated with the popular American ideology of the "melting pot" and the individual's responsibility for decisions, successes and failures (Yans-McLaughlin 1990 pp. 3 - 18). Thistlethwaite's seminal article and Nadal and Giralt's major work, both published in 1960; the body of literature which arose as a consequence of post Second World War migratory movements and, more recently, research arising out of the fifth centenary of Europe's "discovery" of America, have helped redress some of the imbalance, but much remains to be done, particularly in countries which export, or have exported, migrants. (Thistlethwaite 1960 and Nadal and Giralt 1960 passim).

9.

White and Woods 1980 p. 7

10.

Salas Ausens 1985 p. 68; Ozanam 1990 p. 215

11.

Collado Villalta 1981 p. 57

12.

Hägerstrand et al 1957 cited in White and Woods 1980 p. 3

13.

White and Woods 1980 p. 4

14.

Bratchel 1980 p. 585. According to García-Baquero González and Collado Villalta only a small minority of Frenchmen took up permanent residence in eighteenth century Cadiz (García-Baquero González and Collado Villalta 1990 p. 195). This is also found to be the case for xvii century Toledo by Montemayor, in contrast to what he suggests was the greater propensity for permanent settlement by foreigners present in xvi century Spain (Montemayor 1990 p. 82).

15.

Iglesias Rodríguez and Alfonso Mola have talked of golondrina or seasonal migration, but this may not be completely appropiate (Iglesias Rodríguez 199l b p. 523; Alfonso Mola 1991 p. 105). The term golondrina, or swallow, as traditionally used in migration literature, originated with the peasant who left Italy in November after harvest, for the flax and wheat fields of northern Cordoba and Santa Fé; between December and April he harvested corn in southern Cordoba and Buenos Aires and then returned to Piedmont in May for the spring planting. (Thistlethwaite 1960 p. 40). Even the average stay of the Maltese trader in Spain, during the earlier brigantine phase was considerably longer. Nevertheless the concept of a dual centre of gravity is applicable to both the golondrina and the Maltese migrant.

16.

Sella 1973 p. 553

17.

Armengaud 1979 p. 63

18.

Torres Sánchez et al 1987 pp. 209 - 240; Pla Alberola 1987 p. 188; Giménez Chornet 1988 p. 107; Salas Ausens 1988 pp. 31 - 32.

19.

Hernández Marco 1980 pp. 273 - 282; Giménez Chornet 1988 pp. 95 - 111

20.

AM Játiva. Antiga 1092 - A and Antiga 1438

21.

Roberto Fernández's study of Barcelona's bourgeoisie for example, used the Catastro, the Matrícula de Comerciantes and notarial documents to arrive at a "population" of 562 merchants. (Fernández 1987 Tomo II p. 507). Of these only 17.l% were foreigners, so Barcelona would appear to be the commercial centre in eighteenth century Spain with the lowest foreign presence, although Fernández hastened to qualify them as una minoría en ascenso (Ibidem p. 506). A letter signed by Don Manuel de Antich, apparently a civil servant in Barcelona, said in correspondence relating to an application by the French Ambassador seeking "exaccion del derecho llamado personal que se hace en Barcelona al comerciante de su nación Juan Gin Gautier" dated 16 August 1786, that "De los Ingleses y olandeses no hay exemplar que lo hayan pagado…" and goes on to refer to "… tanta multitud de extranjeros como de pocos años a esta parte se han establecido y van introduciendose en esta Capital…" (AGS, SSH Leg. 1434). The French Ambassador's application was not successful because a similar application by the English consul in Barcelona, in 1790, seeking exemption for Resserson and Tupper was also turned down saying that, as in the Gautier case, no one is exempt and cited a law of 29 January 1778 "que prohibe exempcion del Servicio Personal de Cadastro a todos los Extrangeros" (AHMB Correspondencia, Circulares, Oficios, Informes 1777 - 1804 Cadastre VI 3). Both individuals in fact appear in the Catastro. If, as late as 1778, laws were being enacted to oblige foreigners to pay taxes it could only be that previously they had not been paying them. Such important Maltese merchants as Joseph Bertis, Agustin De Pauli, Pasqual Delceppo, Agustin Sayt and many others, never appear on the Catastro. Sanuy de Rialp has referred to "la poca eficacia de las cuotas impuestas a los Vagos" (Sanuy de Rialp 1977 p. 169). The Catastro probably does not reflect the true dimension of the presence of foreign merchants in Barcelona and neither, probably, does the Matrícula.

22.

Salas Ausens 1985 p. 68 and 1988 p. 41

23.

Ozanam 1990 pp. 222 - 223 and Salas Ausens 1990 p 157

24.

Ozanam 1990 p. 223

25.

The problem is not exclusively one of old, as opposed to modern, census techniques. Cipolla has pointed out that, as late as 1978, sophisticated U.S. Government statisticans still admitted to not knowing how many legal, let alone illegal, immigrants there were (Cipolla 1991 p. 65).

26.

Pooley and Whyte 1991 p. l

27.

White and Woods 1980 pp. l - 15

28.

Recent contributors include Collado Villalta 1980 and 1981 and García-Baquero González and Collado Villalta 1990

29.

More exactly9.2% according to consular lists submitted by the various nations (Listas de los nacionales extranjeros y otras personas que gozan del fuero militar deguerra en esta plaza de Cádiz año 1765. AM de Puerto de Santa María unclassified).

30.

Own computation based on Legajos 4931 to 4940, 4943-4945 and 4950 AM Cadiz. As Ozanam has pointed out there is a measure of divergence between the figures produced by the 1791 Matrícula at the local level and those at the regional or national levels. Our study of the primary documents indicates a total of 217 Maltese heads of families, 212men and 5 women. This is somewhere between the 166 given by Collado Villata (Collado Villalta 1981 p. 64) and the 245 given by Salas Ausens and Jarque Martínez (Salas Ausens and Jarque Martínez 1990 p. 990). We are unsure as to the reason for Collado Villalta's underestimate, but Salas Ausens and Jarque Martínez's figures are approximately equal to the 274 reported in a summary dated 14 February 1792, for Cadiz and adjacent villages, less the 30 living in the villages (AHN Estado Leg. 3954).

31.

AHPC Notario de Guerra José Cazorla. Protocolo nº 5909

32.

Iglesias Rodríguez 1991 p. 87

33.

Vassallo 1991 p. 67

34.

García Almiñana 1992 p. 104

35.

García-Baquero González 1991 p. 108

36.

García Almiñana 1992 p. 100

37.

Eva Morawska has highlighted the fact that , "historical and sociological research appears unanimous on the facilitating functions of both collectivism and ethnic enclaves during the first phase of immigrant entry" (Morawska 1990 p. 203). She is referring to migration into the U.S. but it is also applicable to much migration elsewhere. As she points out, "it was severe exclusionary discrimination, rather than the opportunities presented by an open society that enabled them (migrants) to accumulate economic and human capital within their enclaves - capital, which once released by the relaxation of native prejudice, was used by following generations to move into the mainstream society in a spectacular display of accomplishment" (Morawska 1990 p. 206). Far from the overwhelming influence of the trade with the Americas present in Southern Andalusia, the sons and grandsons of lowly Maltese textile retailers and pedlars were to become prominent actors in the economic life of nineteenth-century Valencia and Murcia. Concerning the former, Molas has said that "els cognoms maltesos de Caruana, Attard, Mifsud son ben important en l'economia valenciana del XIX" (Molas 1977 p. 374). To these we could add the surnames Piscopo, Busuttil and Formosa. The Caruanas were particularly important. In the second half of the nineteenth century Peregri, Antoni and Joseph Caruana were the most important purchasers of disentailed land in the city of Valencia and its surrounding area (Pons Pons 1987 ff. 316 - 349). More significantly they figured prominently in the new initiatives being undertaken in finance, railways, water supply, etc (Ródenas 1978 pp. 240 - 245 and 1982 pp. 16 - 29). A similar picture emerges for the Cutajars in Alicante (Vilar 198l p. 222), the Cachias, Seiquers, Sicluna, Cadorna and Camilleris in the city of Murcia (Vilar 1973 p. 106), the Butigieg in Cartagena (Pérez Picazo and Lemeunier 1984 p. 283) and Borja and Casha in Lorca (Pérez Picazo 1982 pp. 45 - 69).

38.

Vassallo 1991 passim

39.

Villar García 1982 p. 90

40.

Iglesias Rodríguez 1991 pp. 516 - 518

41.

García Almiñana 1992 p. 102

42.

Villar García 1982 p. 9l

43.

Iglesias Rodríguez 1991 pp. 523 - 524

44.

Iglesias Rodríguez 1991 p. 520

45.

Salas Ausens and Jarque Martínez 1990 p. 988

46.

Iglesias Rodríguez 1991 p. 523 and Alfonso Mola 1991 p. 105

47.

AM Játiva Libros del Equivalente 1771 - 1800

48.

Ozanam 1968 p. 300 - 301

49.

Salas Ausens and Jarque Martínez 1990 p. 989

50.

Villar García 1982 p. 94

51.

Blázquez Miguel 1990 p. 346.

52.

Ibidem

53.

AHN Inquisición Leg. 3721 nº 15

54.

AHN Inquisición, Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Murcia Legajo 2022 nº 3, 46 and 59 and Legajos 2829, 2839, 2871, 2873, 2875 and 3731 nº 106.

55.

Teófano Egido provides a very good summary of the current state of research into the religious behaviour of eighteenth century Spain in his 1990 contribution to the Coloquio Internacional Carlos III y su Siglo entitled, "La religiosidad de los españoles (Siglo XVIII)" pp. 767 - 792 of Volume I of the Papers for the above mentioned Colloquium printed in Madrid in 1990.

56.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 66 Year 1764 Casar/Viola f. 10 v.

57.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol. 68 Year 1765 Damato/Camilleri f. 28

58.

AMV, TC, Caja 48 nº 2 f. 6 v

59.

Ibidem ff. 7 - 14

60.

Molas 1985, pp. 96 - 102

6l.

ARV, Clero, Libro 1951 Memoria de los Religiosos, i Seculares que se entierran en este Real Convento de San Agustín de Valencia 2ª parte f. 17 v

62.

Ibidem

63.

It is not the earliest record of a Maltese person dying in Spain that we have. Macelo Cafe from Conspicua, for example, died and was buried in Cadiz in 1748. He was ".. uno de los 24 malteses de una fragata maltesa… anclada en la bahía…" (AHPC Cádiz Protocolo 376 ff 377-378 Notario Fernando Ruiz Yagües)

64.

AMV, TC Caja 309 nº 10 f. 3v ss

65.

ARV, Fons del Convent de Sant Agustí de Valencia, Caja 2 nº 18

66.

Ibidem

67.

AHMB, Fondo Comercial B-165 Caruana y Ciappino f. 181 v.

68.

Ibidem f. 156 v

69.

Ibidem 157 v and 159 v respectively

70.

AHN, OM, SJJ, Asamblea Caja 8051

71

AHN, Inquisición Leg. 3721 nº 15

72.

AMC, Matrículas de Extranjeros San Roque y Boquete Leg. 4938

73.

Private document in the hands of Lt. Coronel Claude Gaffiero, Malta.

74.

Ibidem

75.

AHPB, Notario Ramón Cortés y Sort, Manual, Años 1801-1802 ff. 87-88 v and ACA, RA, TRCC, Pleito 5741 f. 202, respectively

76.

ACA, RA, TRCC, Pleito 4131

77.

ACA, RA, TRCC, Pleito 1123, f. 11-12

78.

AMV, TC, Caja 234 nº 1, f. 10

79.

AMV, TC, Caja 211 nº 1

80.

Ibidem

81.

ACA, RA, TRCC, Pleito 11024

82.

Pérez Picazo 1982 p. 59

83.

Garden 1970 p. 47l

84.

Herr 1964 p. 127

85.

ARV, Clero Libro 1951. Memoria de los Religiosos i Seculares que se entierran en este Real Convento de San Agustín de Valencia, 2ª parte de Entierros de Seculares en este Rl Convento" passim.

86.

Ibidem f. 24

87.

Ibidem f. 40

88.

Ibidem f. 43 v.

89.

ACCCV. Not. Thomas Vinet Prot. 3894 ff. 120 v -122. Año 1792

90.

Villar García 1982 p. 234

91.

Fayard 1979 p. 527; Villar García 1982 p. 237

92.

ARV, Not. José Ximenez Prot 8166 ff. 175 - 176 b Año 1779

93.

ACCCV. Not. Thomas Vinet Protocolo 3897 Año 1794 ff. 110 - 114 .

94.

ARV, Not Jose Ximenez Prot 8166 f. 43 B - 44 B. Año 1780

95.

AMV, TC, Caja 309 nº 10 passim

96.

Ibidem

97.

Villar García 1973 p. 244. In fact, we know of at least one other occasion when Joseph Ellul showed his charitable disposition. In 1788, he and his brother Salvador bailed out Pedro Ellul, who may have been a relative (AMV, TC, Caja 186 nº 3, f. 8)

98.

AMV, TC, Caja 275 nº 7, f. 15

99.

AMX, Libro Protocolo Felix Gasco Nº 1425, l Enero 1792

100.

For Francisco Azzupardi AHPC, Prot. 5747 ff. 312-314 v. Not Juan Antonio Salgado; For Simon Caquia AHPC Prot. 378 f. 546 Notario Fernando Ruiz Yagües; For Francisco Farrugia. AHPC, Prot. 3137 ff. 218-219 Notario Francisco de Huertas and for Francisco Bonis AHPC, Prot. 5755 ff. 251-253 v. Notario Juan Antonio Salgado.

101.

For Arniaud. AHPC, Prot. 3627 ff. 235-36, Not. Jose Antonio Camacho and for Miguel Angel Scyberras, AHPC, Prot. 4977 ff. 19-20 v Not.Joseph Moreno Davila. Scyberras together with Juan Arpa, who was confrade of the Hermandad de la Purísima Concepción, specified that they wanted burial in the habit of St. Francis (For Juan Arpa, AHPC, prot. 2493 ff. 3-10 v Not. Mig. Brignon Year 1791).

102.

Murcia testaments at AHM de Murcia as follows:

Year

Name

Notary

Document nº

1756

Manuel Quetquti Quetquti

Francisco Jiménez Ortega

Prot 2439 ff 170 - 170 v

1781

Pablo Fiteni Caquia

Antonio Irles

Prot 2708 ff 158 - 160 v

1783

Joaquin Casar Basili

Antonio Costa Irles

Prot 2709 ff 147 - 148 v

1786

Pablo Caquia Fiteni and Maria Ayala Morante

Antonio Costa Irles

Prot 2710 ff 96 - 97 v

1786

Felix Grec Carabana and Juana Tornel Hernandez

Antonio José de Calahora

Prot 2607 ff 179 - 185 v

1787

Felix Fiteni Fiteni

Antonio Costa Irles

Prot 2711 ff 72 - 73 v

1793

Felix Grec Carabana and Juana Tornel Hernandez

Antonio José de Calahora

Prot 2614 ff 33 - 39 v

1798

Jose Bentura Bentura

Juan Mateo Atienza

Prot 2383 ff 869 - 872 v

103.

Iglesias Rodríguez 199l p. 88.

104.

Relates to Antonio Sopar AHM Protocolos de Cartagena. Testamentos otorgados por contadores de Navío… Años 176l - 1773 Sig. 6176 sf

105.

Villar García 1973, pp. 241-242.

106.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol. 89 Year 1784 Delauda/Francesco Cassar

107.

Poitrineau 1983 pp. 69 - 72

108.

Alfonso Mola 199l, p. 106. In this they would have been following the established practice for other nationalities. According to Ozanam, the French in Cadiz in 1777 "étaient groupés… en un "corps de nation", c'est-a-dire une sorte d'association ou de chambre representant les interets du commerce national dans la ville. Preside par le consul de France, ce "corps de nation" ou plus simplement la "nation française", se réunissait périodiquement en essemblées oú se discutaient les affaires de la collectivite et elisait deux députés charges de les suivre et de gérer un budget alimenté par certains droits et des cotisations. Cette caisse était destinée á aider les compatriots en difficulté, a entretenir la chapelle française, á organiser les céremonies et célebrations officielles, etc."

109.

AMV, TC, Caja 199 nº 10 f. 10

110.

Braudel 1982 p. 167

111.

AMV, TC, Caja 39 nº 4 f. 40 v.

112.

AMV, TC, Caja 211, nº 1, f. 141

113.

AMV, TC, Caja 199, nº 3, f. 30

114.

AMV, TC, 159 nº 8, f. 176

115.

Martín Corrales 199l, p. 16l footnote 113

116.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 108, Year 1797 Grumia/Abela f. 18.

117.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 44 Year 1752 Romano and Caruana/Desala

118.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 68 Year 1765 Damato/Camilleri ff. 24-26.

119.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 90 Year 1784 German/Camilleri f. 4 v.

120.

José Guevara Vasconcelos declared, concerning Maltese and French Trading Companies,"excluyen de la compañía al que se casa en España…" (Cited in de Sancho 1787 pp. 42 - 43).

121.

AMV, TC, Caja 310 nº 10

122.

AMV, TC, Caja 118 nº 1 f. 8 v.

123.

Ibidem f. 12

124.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 79 Year 1772 Mallia/Saguna

125.

García, Fausto El Maltés de Madrid Imprenta de F. Santaren, Valladolid en B.N. Signatura 1196/23.

126.

Ibidem

127.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol. 65 Year 1764 Cassar/Adriano f. 4 v.

128.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 96 Year 1790 Seichel/Azzopardi

129.

Bonello 1990 passim

130.

AMV, TC, Caja 74 Nº 1 f. 12

131.

Collado Villalta 198l p. 64

132.

Debono 1988. p. 48

133.

Molas 1988 pp. 118-119

134.

D'Angelo 1990, p. 177 Footnote 184

135.

Vella 1927 p. 138

136.

AHMB, Fondo Comercial B-165 Caruana & Ciappino fol 157

137.

AHPB, Anónimo 7 f. 30 v

138.

Ibidem

139.

Butel 1974 pp. 372 - 374; Villar García 1982 p. 229

140.

AMV, TC, Caja 313, nº 4

141.

AMV, TC, Caja 211 nº l f 7 v ss

142.

Herr has noted the role of foreign merchants in the importation and distribution of books propagating the ideas of the Enlightenment which were often still banned by the Inquisition (Herr 1964 p. 65).

143.

Sarrailh 1974 p. 296

144.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 100 Year 1793 Concurso de Creditori de Pascual Deceppo ff. 10 - 13

145.

Pérez Picazo 1982 pp. 59-60

146.

AM Málaga, Legajo 185, Padrones y alistamientos de Milicias Años 1776 - 1802 - 1803. Año de 1776. Primer Quartel Primer Barrio Padrón General de Vezinos (Manzanas l al 18).

147.

AMV, TC, Caja 159 nº 8 f. 62 and f. 80

148.

Vassallo 1992 p. 370

149.

De Retegui Bensusan 1982 pp. 42-43

150.

AMV, TC, Caja 74 nº 1 f. 12

151.

AHPB, Not. José Ponsico, De Contractibus. Años 1768-1769 f. 197 ss.

152.

AHPB, Not. José Ponsico. Contractum Año 1780 f. 315 v. ss

153.

AMV, TC Caja 158 nº 3

154.

Not unlike many other Maltese merchants Joseph Grima operated in more than one locality. According to Ribes Iborra, Grima operated in both the city of Valencia, where he normally lived, and Castellón, where he owned a house which was rented out to Bartholome Graver for 41 libras per annum (Ribes Iborra 1987 p. 26). In 179l - 1792 he must have decided to retire to Malta or perhaps move on somewhere else because he advertised the sale of the house in Castellón, a mortgage he held over some land and a share in an inn in Nules in Valencia's newspaper, the Diario de Valencia (Vassallo 199l p. 68). Grima had been operating in Spain since the mid-sixties, but there are no further indications of activity after the early nineties.

155.

AMV, TC, Caja 313 nº 4

156.

Villar García 1982 pp. 208 - 210, Solis 1958 pp. 55 - 59

157.

AMV, TC, Caja 198 nº 32 f. 11

158.

Molas Ribalta 1970 p. 522

159.

Villar García 1973. pp. 210-215

160.

ACA, RA, TRCC, Pleito 4131

161.

Ibidem

162.

Castaneda 1986 p. 153

163.

Kamen 1980 p. 187

164.

Braudel 1982 p. 156

165.

Von Den Driesch 1972 p. 241

166.

AGS, SSH, Leg. 1131. Cádiz Año 176l

167.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 100 Year 1793 Martinez/Pisano f. 4

168.

Ibidem

169.

Plaza Prieto 1978, p. 714

170.

NAM, CM, AO Vol 64 Year 1765 Brome/Curmi

17l.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 100 Year 1793 Martínez /Pisano f. 50

172.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 96, Year 1790 Seychel/Azzopardo f 5-6

173.

Ibidem

174.

NAM, CM, AO Vol 94 Year 1789 Farrugia/De Nicola

175.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 44, Year 1752 Romano/Desala ff. l-11

176.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 66 Year 1764 Cassar/Viola f. 19 v

177.

AMV, TC, Caja 296 nº 5

178.

Ibidem f. 7

179.

Ibidem

180.

AHPB, Not José Ponsico De Pactis… Año 1757-1764 f. 29 v. ss

18l.

AHPB, Not. José Ponsico. De Contractibus Años 1768-1769 ff. 57 v. ss

182.

Cavaliero 1960 p. 76

183.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 90 Year 1784 German/Camilleri passim

184.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 96 Year 1790 Ellul/ Zammit f. 2

185.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 44 Year 1752 Romano/Caruana/Desala

186.

NAM, CM, AO, Vol 65 Year 1764 Arpa/Bergensone passim

187.

Ibidem

188.

AHMB, Fondo Comercial B-165 Caruana y Ciappino

189.

The communities on the eastern seaboard apparently showed greater resilience than those in parts of Andalusia. Cadiz's Maltese colony went down from 217 in 179l to 41 in 1801 (Vassallo 1992 p. 367) while Malaga's went down from at least 35 in 177l to 11 in 1817 (for 177l AM Málaga Legs. 174 and 175 and for 1817 Villar García 1982 p. 43). In Almería there were 32 in 179l which had gone down to 20 by 1808 (AM Almería Leg. 883 doc. 18 and Leg. 1146 doc. 25). In Murcia, on the other hand, the numbers declined from 41 to 32 between 179l and 1807 (AM Murcia Leg. 1521 (I) Nº 24 and Leg. 1521 (II) nº 6) while in Játiva, in the same period, numbers declined from 32 to 22 (AM Játiva Leg. 1438 signatura antiga).

190.

Villar García 1982 p. 22